“Love thy neighbor as thyself” (Matthew 22: 39) should be the mission statement of Paraísópolis, SP, Brazil. It should also be the reason for philanthropic activities throughout the world. In the summer of 2013, I had the opportunity to witness non-western philanthropy first hand. I spent my summer vacation in the second biggest slum of São Paulo, Brazil, which is called Paraísópolis. Over 80,000 people live in this slum (Vilicic, Bergamo, Salvo, & Duarte, 2010), which is located deep in the heart of São Paulo’s richest neighborhood, Morumbi (Sertich, 2010).

In Morumbi, there is a high class hospital called Hospital Israelita Albert Einstein. This hospital only attends those who have a good health insurance, or those who are rich enough to pay for its services. However, they give back to the less fortunate by setting up the “responsibilidade social” program (which means, social responsibility). They set up 3 health clinics inside this slum, which is paid for by the government, and here they provide first hand care to the slums residents (Albert Einstein, 2009).

What is amazing about this philanthropic program however is not what the hospital is doing for the slum, but what the slums citizens are doing for themselves. In the clinic I worked in, there was 5 health care teams to be in charge of 1/3 of the slum area. The teams consisted of 1 doctor, 2 nurses, and 3 helpers. The helpers were paid residents who lived in Paraisópolis, who assited the doctors and nurses in getting around and meeting the patients. However, each block of the slum had a person who was in charge of caring for the well being of its residents, making sure each person attended their appointment, and visiting the person to follow up on their care. The person who was in charge of each block though was not a hospital employee, but a fellow resident of that block! These people, even though they did not have much, took time from their day every day to visit each one of their neighbors and help them stay on track with their health. They would check on their neighbor weekly to see how they were doing, would take them to the clinic if they were sick, and would help connect them with the clinic to provide them with the resources they needed.

In our society, we are used to doing everything with the intent of getting something in return. The Brazilian residents of Paraisópolis willingly, and freely, cared for each of their neighbor’s health, working in collaboration with a government funded clinic, to make sure each person, each child, had access to good health care. According to McClintock (2004), 69% of Canadians don’t volunteer because they “do not have extra time”, and 38% don’t volunteer because they give money instead of time. If Brazilians adapted this mindset, the system of helping one another in Paraisópolis would fall to pieces and every one would be back to having inadequate care. Time is something that is precious to all of us, but in Paraisópolis, it is something most residents are willing to give for the best interest of their neighbors.

Also, each nurse and physician employed by the hospital, gave up the comfort of working in a first class facility, to go into the slums, and risk their safety every day to serve their fellow human being. These health care professionals did not just stay in the clinic and wait for the people to come to them; they also went out to the patients’ homes at least once a month to check up on them. It’s very hard for certain families who work full time to take the family memebrs to appointments, and these employees take that into consideration, and walk all over the slums, risking their safety, to help get care to these families.

If western philanthropy consisted of health care professionals going into the ghetto to help a fellow human being get the health care they deserve, our community would be a better place. In North America, we forget that there are other ways to be charitable, and focus only on the financial help we can provide, when sometimes, all someone needs, is a helping hand; sometimes it is better to give a little love, than a couple of bucks

Works cited

Albert Einstein (2009). Responsabilidade Social. Albert Einstein: Sociedade Beneficente Israelita Brasileira. Retrieved on September 24, 2013 from http://www.einstein.br/responsabilidade-social/Paginas/Responsabilidade-social.aspx

Jeronymo, H. (2013) Personal experience and observations of Paraisópolis and Einstein clinics.

McClintock, N. (2004). Understanding Canadian Volunteers; p.8. Canadian centre for Philanthropy. Retrieved on September 25, 2013 from http://www.imaginecanada.ca/files/www/en/giving/reports/understanding_volunteers.pdf

Sertich, A. (March 16, 2010). Paraiso-polis. Favela Chic. Retrieved on September 25, 2013 from http://favelissues.com/2010/03/16/favela-chic-paraisopolis/

Vilicic, F., Bergamo, G., Salvo, M., & Duarte, S. ( December 7, 2010). Violência em Paraisópolis, a segunda maior favela da cidade. VEJA: São Paulo. Retrieved on September 25, 2013 from http://vejasp.abril.com.br/materia/violencia-em-paraisopolis-segunda-maior-favela-da-cidade

Give, and it shall be given to you: good measure and pressed down and shaken together and running over shall they give into your bosom. For with the same measure that you shall mete withal, it shall be measured to you again
LUKE 6:30 (Catholic Giving and Titling Guide)
There are many historically events that contributed to the philanthropic sector in Brazil. However, in this brief article, it will only focus on the religion and traditions in Brazil that have shaped philanthropic culture in Brazil. As well, lists some things that Brazil must do to improve in this sector. When looking at the present, you must look into the past to make changes for the future. Within the article, “The Future of Philanthropy in Brazil: Creating a More Diverse Sector,” it outlines the historically influences and barriers that Brazil has and continues to face within philanthropy. Firstly, the history of Brazilian philanthropy is closely linked to Roman Catholic faith and church. “Catholic societies, confrarias (brotherhoods), established voluntary organizations such as hospitals, orphanages and asylums, supported by endowments and donations.” (The Future of Philanthropy in Brazil: Creating a More Diverse Sector) The support from the church had been triggered during Brazil’s independence from Portugal. This independence created a required change in the government, military power and state control. This control and increase military power lead to abuse of power and human rights issues. Therefore, this prompted the church to react and create networks of support. This support network encouraged the Brazilian to create their own networks, like citizen organizations which essential lead to creating philanthropic organizations.

Brazil is no longer an underdeveloped country and has one of ten largest economies in the world however, the social inequalities and gap between the wealthy and poor has increased. “Brazil has amongst the highest income inequality in the world – with the richest 10% of Brazilians receiving 50% of the nation’s income, while the poorest 10% receive less than 1%. Brazilians also suffer from inequitable access to services like social welfare, and assets, particularly land.” (SubstainAbility) This gap makes it extremely difficult to find individuals who can be involved in the philanthropic sector. The inequality between the Brazilians is not however the only limitation in this sector.

Traditionally and presently, two ways in which Brazilians participate in giving and philanthropy would be through their religion as well as their traditions. Most Brazilians would agree that one of the best symbols that best characterizes their nation is “Carnival”. Carnival is a four-day long event full of music, dancing, costumes, bright colours, food and people from all around the world. “Carnival is symbolic of the national ethos because it plays to many of the dualities in Brazilian life: wealth and poverty, African and European, female and male. The key to carnival’s popularity is its break with and reversal of the everyday reality…Class hierarchies based on wealth and power are briefly set aside, poverty is forgotten, men may dress as women, leisure supplants work, and the disparate components of Brazilian society blend in a dizzying blaze of color and music.” (Countries and Their Cultures: Culture of Brazil) This tradition has allowed Brazilians to come together as one, regardless of status or class. Carnival breaks down the barriers and inequalities with the country and gives everyone an opportunity for fun. Carnival can also be concerned a form of philanthropy as it is a time for companionate and humanity.
“Brazil is the largest Catholic country in the world even though the percentage of Brazilians who belong to the Catholic Church has declined in recent years, down from 95 percent in the 1950s. Today about 73 percent of Brazilians identify themselves as Catholic but an unknown number are Catholics by tradition, not by faith.”(Countries and Their Cultures: Culture of Brazil) Catholics believe that, “it is important for all parishioners to understand that giving is not optional (it is actually one of the six precepts of the Church)” (Catholic Giving and Titling Guide) Therefore, Catholic Brazilians would be providing to a huge part of private sector, due to the Catholics having a large role in the organizations through the country.

The problem areas within the countries sector would be within the remainder of the organizations. For the remainder of the population that is not Catholic or even other organizations other than the religious ones, they are limited to corporate donations. These corporate organizations usually donate within its organization, which would benefit its own resources. Consequently, non-religious organizations are not getting enough support. Another barrier could be that there is no tax incentive for families and individuals to donate. Therefore, for Brazil to be more successful and enhance the philanthropic/private sector, it must determine what influences individuals to donate, provide a wide range of resources and organizations that will provide the diversity and strengthen the future of the sector.

There is much growth required throughout the Country of Brazil to progress forward and continue to develop and improve in the philanthropic sector. Historically, there were only a few organizations now there are millions. Here is a link to look at some; http://www.loc.gov/rr/international/hispanic/brazil/ resources/brazil-organizations.html

Works Cited

http://www.synergos.org/knowledge/05/brazilphilanthropy.htm

http://www.loc.gov/rr/international/hispanic/brazil/resources/brazil-organizations.html

http://www.everyculture.com/Bo-Co/Brazil.htmlS

http://www.sustainability.com/aboutsustainability/article_previous.asp?id=420

Argentina has had a very interesting philanthropic history, particularly regarding the involvement of women (most notably, Eva Peron). This article will look at three major charities in Argentinean history; the Sisters of Charity, the Society of Beneficence, and the Eva Peron Foundation.

First, the Sisters of Charity was founded in 1727 by Don Juan Alonso Gonzalez, and was made up of leading activists of the colonial period. They received the support of the church and private donations from the upper classes, because they combined religious evangelisation with social assistance. The social service provided by the Sisters of Charity was based on moral precepts, and the members undertook active roles as nurses and social workers. Women mostly worked in the domestic sphere at the time, and were only allowed to participate in the public world through religious arguments.

The Argentinean Revolution 1810 gave the country independence, and the result was secularization and centralisation through a “progressive transference of religious institutions to ‘lay’ organisations under state control” (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 337). By 1820 the church had “lost most of its public subsidies and control of its hospitals, schools, asylums and other institutions” (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 337). However, the church did not lose all its power, because new alliances were created between state and church, and the Sisters of Charity and upper-class women. They set aside their differences and worked together against the possibility of social problems such as famine and lack of shelter giving rise to future social conflicts fuelled by revolutionary influences coming from Europe. Thus, their philanthropic work helped the poor not for the poor’s sake, but to quell unwanted problems.

This alliance between church and state created class solidarities, as aristocratic woman and men worked together (women participating in philanthropic activities, and their husbands’ involvement in public welfare) towards the same goals. This trend in gender roles continued on in the other two major influential organizations that will be examined here.

The next important organization in Argentina’s philanthropic history is the Society of Beneficence (Sociedad de Beneficencia). It was created in 1824 by Bernardino Rivadavia, then minister of government to the Buenos Aires governor, Martin Rodriguez (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 337), who became Argentina’s first president in 1826 (University of Notre Dam, 2002). It was a “quasi-public institution run by wealthy women,” which “became the largest and most important institution for public assistance in Argentina” (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 338). Approximately 90 percent of the Society’s annual budget came from state subsidies to fund activities for the population’s most vulnerable segments, especially widows, orphans, and manual labourers.

The activities of the Society “allowed elite women considerable leeway for participation in the public sphere,” and “by working as administrators of public charity, aristocratic women “symbolised the union between state and church” (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 338). Part of Rivadavia’s inspiration to create the Society was “‘liberal’ ideas related to the intellectual progress of women through their participation in the labour market” (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 339).

The Society’s impact formalised three aspects of Argentina’s social action activities: “the mesh between public and private interventions; the centralisation of services to address social needs; and the entrance of lay women (instead of members of religious orders) as managers of social services” (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 339). However, due to a lack of economic resources, the Society ceased operations in 1838, and it returned in 1852 directing and inspecting girls’ schools.

The final philanthropic institution in Argentina that will be examined in this article is the Eva Peron Foundation, as well as Evita Peron’s influence. In his presidency, Juan Peron brought in a populist welfare state, and substituted foreign imports for domestic products, creating a ‘golden age’ in the Argentinean economy (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 344). Argentina’s economy also grew rapidly through “providing corn and meat to European countries whose economies had been devastated by the destruction of the Second World War” (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 344). Peron’s capitalist ideology rejected the socialist and communist models (which developed a strong base in some work sectors) and was based on economic independence. This ideology was accepted and promoted by Evita in her philanthropic work, continuing the Argentinean tradition of women supporting the politics of their husbands through charity work.

Evita did not want to be a passive first lady, so she decided to “act as a ‘bridge’ between the people and government, playing the role of mother, martyr and angel of revenge for her descamisados, particularly against the aristocratic and ageing Society of Benificence” (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 344). “Descamisado” means vindictive poor, and exemplified Evita’s new concept of social action; “an idea which lay between charity and social justice and which was aimed at constructing a new model of social assistance and political power based on new types of relationships between the public and the private spheres” (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 343).

Between the Society of Beneficence’s return in 1852 and Evita becoming Argentina’s first lady, economic growth led the organization to become more powerful and better organized. In the past, the first lady would be appointed the Society’s honorary president, but the members were concerned Evita’s underprivileged upbringing, and her former career as an actress (Berenty, 2010), and thus refused to give her the position. Evita retaliated by destroying the Society; launching her own organization, and diverting all government sponsorship from the Society to the Eva Peron Foundation (Berenty, 2010). She used the slogan “the crusade of social aid” for her mission to alleviate poverty, rejecting traditional approached to charity, “arguing that beneficence was an insult to the dignity of the poor that only relieved the guilty consciences of the rich” (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 344).

Before forming her Foundation, Evita went on a trip to Europe, to learn from Old World traditions of social security and charity, and was not impressed by the way organizations in World War II devastated countries were organized, still under the control of aristocrats and influenced by the Catholic church.

The Eva Peron Foundation’s official program intended to “provide monetary or in-kind assistance to the ‘deserving’ poor; build houses for indigent families; build educational establishments, hospitals, homes and other establishments; and contribute to the creation of jobs for the less privileged” (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 345).

The foundation was very closely tied to the state, and even took on many activities previously organized by government departments. Evita worked to solve a plethora of social problems, and expected loyalty and obedience to Peron in return, “embodying Argentina’s long-standing alliance between women’s charities and male political power” (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 346).

The “direct help methodology” whereby Evita had a very close relationship to her descamisados was replaced by indirect assistance when the Foundation grew and became more demanding. An almost military force of female social workers was created by Evita to visit remote places to “alleviate poverty, developing a social political and recreational network all around the country” (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 346).

The Foundation engaged in extortion for political support, which tarnished its charitable standing. However, it was of great benefit to society, as Evita built twelve modern hospitals with highly-paid doctors and some of the best surgical equipment in the world, and changed the mentality of public care in Argentina; created a free nursing school for women all over the country; awarded scholarships; built homes, and other welfare establishments such as 1,000 modern schools in the poorest area of Buenos Aires; and employed 14,000 workers on a permanent basis (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 347).

The Eva Peron Foundation is a controversial example of philanthropy, as it had the same authoritarian influence as Juan Peron’s “new Argentina,” and Evita was criticized for wastefulness and “solved only some of the symptoms of poverty rather than its root causes” (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 347). The main difference between Evita’s approach to charity and the previous examples in Argentina is where they laid blame for social problems. In the latter, poverty was believed to be the result of individual failings and that social standings were natural and could not be changed, though the privileged had a duty to help the poor. In the former, poverty was “not a natural state of affairs but rather the result of the historical exploitation of people,” and Eva Peron “argued that the poor should change their social conditions by fighting the aristocracy” (Thompson and Viladrich, p. 347). However, though her Foundation had a lot of positive effects, Evita became an aristocrat that did little to empower the poor and instead strengthened her own family’s power in society while performing charitable acts.

Works Cited

Berenty, Brian. (2010). “Mystery and Mayhem in the Death and Afterlife of Eva Peron.” Suite101.com. http://www.suite101.com/content/mystery-and-mayhem-in-the-death-and-afterlife-of-eva-peron-a288787

Thompson, Andres A. and Viladrich, Anahi. (1996). “Women and Philanthropy in Argentina: From the Society of Beneficence to Eva Perón,” in Voluntas, Especial Issue: Women and Philanthropy, 7(4):336-349.

University of Notre Dame. (2002). “Biographies: Bernardino Rivadavia.” Power and Politics in the 19th-Century River Plate: Books & Manuscripts from the O’Grady Collection at that University of Notre Dame. Department of Special Collections: Notre Dame, IN.