The pictures are horrifying… the sort that newspaper editors decide not to publish, for reasons of taste and human dignity (and subscriber backlash).

Faces of lifeless children caked in concrete dust, bodies buried in rubble. Female arms and legs protruding from pancaked concrete floors of the crumpled factory, colourful clothing contrasting against the grey ruins. Rescuers tugging heroically, too often fruitlessly. Sudden, catastrophic death everywhere.

The collapse of the eight-storey Rana Plaza clothing factory in the Savar district of Dhaka, Bangladesh on April 24, 2013, killed 1,129 people, most of them young women. Another 2,515 were injured or maimed. The event shocked the world and put a searing spotlight on the worst excesses of global capitalism and blind consumerism.

For The Optimists, a Bangladesh-focused diaspora charity formed in 2000, Rana Plaza was just the latest call to action, if the most tragic in scale. The organization quickly posted graphic photos on its website as it reached out to supporters for donations.

The Optimists (not to be confused with Optimist International clubs) was established by ex-pat professional Bangladeshis living in New York City. Most of the founders have finance, medicine, or business backgrounds. They represent an increasingly mobile global professional class that has greatly influenced the modern evolution of diaspora philanthropy.

“During the information revolution of the 1980s and 1990s, a new generation of philanthropists emerged from the booming finance and information technology industries,” note the authors of Diaspora Philanthropy: Private Giving and Public Policy, a 2010 study published by Washington, D.C.-based Migration Policy Institute. “In the first decade of the twenty-first century, strong economic growth in emerging economies (particularly in South and East Asia) led to the emergence of new philanthropists with direct ties to the developing world.”

Helping The Optimists and diaspora philanthropists everywhere is a powerful tool that an early ex-pat philanthropist, the Scot-American Andrew Carnegie, could not possibly have imagined: the Internet. The charity maintains a website, offers online donations, runs a Facebook page, operates a blog, and publishes online videos. Material is published in both English and Bengali. The Internet “is making it possible for dispersed populations to organize, collaborate, and nurture ties across borders,” observe the authors of Diaspora Philanthropy.

The goal of The Optimists is to both address the symptoms of poverty and also its causes. The group provides underprivileged students with the means to continue their education. The Child Sponsorship Program, for a $135 USD annual donation, funds a student from grade 6 through grade 10. The Special Sponsorship Program is similar. A $310 annual donation supports a student from grade 11 through to a bachelor degree. Candidate students must show promise and must be from “underprivileged, distressed, dispossessed, orphaned, deprived, broken and/or vulnerable families,” according to the group’s website.

“Many children from rural areas in Bangladesh are unable to attend school in their villages because their parents can’t afford it,” says Fahmida (Farah) Ahmed, a New York-based volunteer for The Optimists. “They barely have enough money to sustain life. Most people barely even make a dollar a day in those areas. So sending their kids to school is luxury, not a priority.”

After the Rana Plaza disaster, The Optimists focused on supporting students directly affected by the loss or maiming of mothers or sisters who supported them. On January 17, 2014, the organization announced at an event in Dhaka that it had raised funds to support 81 students in its “Rescue Savar’s Future” program.

Something to think about on the next shopping trip.

Works Cited

E-mail interview with Fahmida (Farah) Ahmed, a New York-based volunteer for The Optimists.

The Optimists website

http://www.theoptimists.org/news/

Asian American Federation, Census Information Center
Profile of New York City’s Bangladeshi Americans: 2013 Edition

http://www.aafny.org/cic/briefs/bangladeshi2013.pdf

Bangladesh history

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangladesh

Savar (Rana Plaza) Building Collapse

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2013_Savar_building_collapse

World Movement for Democracy
Report on Laws and Regulations Governing Civil Society Organizations in Bangladesh

http://www.wmd.org/projects/defending-civil-society/country-reports/bangladesh-2011

Newland, Kathleen, Aaron Terrazas, and Roberto Munster. 2010.
Diaspora Philanthrophy: Private Giving and Public Policy.
Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute

http://www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/diasporas-philanthropy.pdf

Chuas have had a famous association with the shrine of Shah Dola in the small town of Gujrat in Pakistan. According to legend, the holy man Shah Dola was able to cure infertility in women. The price was for the first-born to be given to him (or his shrine following his death), failing which all subsequent children would be born as chuas. There is varying opinion on whether and how the shrine of Shah Dola has or has not exploited microcephalic children, people’s religious sentiments and superstitious beliefs to bring resources to the shrine and its administrators. While it may well be that, over the centuries, Shah Dola’s shrine has provided sanctuary for children with microcephaly, accusations are widespread that shrine administrators intentionally deformed firstborns given to them by fertility-challenged couples by clamping the heads of the babies in metal caps, restricting their growth and thereby inducing microcephaly. The intentionally-deformed children, it is claimed, were then used or leased out for begging. It seems that this has not been substantiated through evidence, but enough pressure built up through these claims that the shrine was taken over by a government department that administers awqaf, the traditional Islamic charitable trust. The government refutes claims that there is or was any practice of intentional deforming of children or that the shrine has ever exploited microcephalics. Accusations are rife about criminally-organized “begging mafias” associated with the shrine and the collusion of government administrators with these gangs who traffic in people with deformities.

It is easy to see why such claims abound. Chuas are “high-value beggers”, able to solicit twice the amount in daily alms than a civil servant would earn in a day. Their high earning power as beggers is linked to the fact that the deformed have a special status in the minds of the Pakistani rural classes. They are seen as being closer to God, with privileged access to His ear. In one online documentary about the phenomenon, a “chua-master” (a person who “owns” a chua as a means of income) refers to the microcephalic child he begs with as “sain-ji” (a reverent way of addressing a guru) and “malang” (a roving spiritual mendicant). As he roams the streets with his chua, he exhorts people to “give him charity and say a prayer.” Giving to a chua increases your chances of being heard by God because the deformed are “God’s people” – those who are provided for solely in fortuitous ways, like the generosity of strangers. Giving charity to the deformed and associating with them is therefore a trade to attain closeness to God. There is also an element of fear and self-protection to this giving—because they are heard more closely by God, the deformed and the renunciate also have the power to plague you. If you repudiate them or turn your back on them, God in turn may well turn his back on you.
There is a widespread belief in rural Pakistani culture that “providence is written”; everyone comes into the world with an allocation of means and resources and a fortune already accorded by the will of God. That is why a new child in the family is rarely seen as stretching limited resources—it is believed that the child brings resources with them, because God provides for all. The deformed perform a function as God’s messengers; they are incarnate reminders to people about fortune and God’s will. In giving charity to the deformed the givers affirm their faith in providence by becoming instruments of it.

Works Cited

http://www.independentliving.org/miles201005.html

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/technology/3346580/What-makes-us-human.html

Islamic history has seen many philanthropic conventions and traditions over time. Although some of these customs are no longer existent or have been significantly altered from their original structure, there continues to be many philanthropic practices that prevail in current Islamic culture.

One such tradition that has been closely connected to Islamic philanthropy for many centuries is the construction and support of madrasas (Blanchard, 2007). A historic Islamic madrasa can be defined as an institution in which male Muslim students go to receive higher education chiefly on the topic of religion among many other subject areas (Hefner & Qasim Zaman, 2007). Madrasas were typically founded and supported by Islamic elites who offered funding through religious endowments to sustain services offered to students by the institution (Blanchard, 2007). This paper will specifically examine Nizamiyah; one of the earliest madrasas established in Islamic history.

Nazamiyah was founded by Seljuq vizier, Nizam al-Mulk, in Baghdad, Iraq during the middle of the eleventh century (Blanchard, 2007). The institution was made up specifically of male students who practiced Muslim faith (Makdisi, 1970). Attendees of Nizamiyah were not required to provide any payment to the founder or the institution itself (Makdisi, 1970). During their time receiving higher education at Nizamiyah, students had access to educational services, learning facilities, dormitories, dining halls, libraries, and medical services (Blanchard, 2007). They were also granted with scholarships and supplementary allowances to compensate for any further living costs they encountered (Makdisi, 1970). Much of what was taught at Nizamiyah was based on Muslim faith and focused on religious sciences, architecture, and literature (Hefner & Qasim Zaman, 2007).

Madrasas were constructed from the wakf of an elite family, which typically consisted of a building, piece of property, or funds that were donated specifically for the charitable purpose of helping others in need (Lapidus, 1984). Although madrasas possessed many benefits for students, founders of these institutions also received reward for their generosity on a social and spiritual level. During the eleventh century, when Nizamiyah was an operational madrasa in Iraq, funding and supporting these institutions enhanced the familial status of the founder and was thought to bring them close to their higher power (Lapidus, 1984).

Political in nature, the overall goal of Nizamiyah was to produce educated men who were capable of contributing to the bureaucratic class in Islamic culture (Blanchard, 2007). Although Nizamiyah had many immediate philanthropic notions, such as providing food and medical care, it also aimed to promote social mobility for Muslim men (Hefner & Qasim Zaman, 2007). Essentially, Nizamiyah has played an instrumental role shaping and perpetuating modern forms of education and philanthropy in modern Islamic society.

Works Cited

Blanchard, C. (2007). Islamic religious schools, madrasas: Background.

Hefner, R. & Qasim Zaman, M. (2007). Schooling Islam: The culture and politics of modern Muslim education. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Lapidus, I. (1984). Muslim cities in the later middle ages. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.

Makdisi, G. (1970). Madrasa and university in the middle ages. Studia Islamica, 32, 255-264. Retrieved from http://www.studiaislamica.com

“A smile is the light in your window that tells others that there is a caring, sharing person inside.” – Denis Waitley

South Africa is a nation with a rich history of philanthropy. Many charities in South Africa are based around the idea of Ubuntu. Ubuntu is a word used to describe the notion that a person cannot exist without the help of their community; “I am; because of you” (May). Although the concept of Ubuntu has been around for centuries, it was introduced to the Western world in the 1990’s through the writings of Cape Town archbishop Desmond Tutu. Nelson Mandela was asked to define Ubuntu in a 2006 interview where he described it as being a traveler passing through a village and not having to ask for food or water because, just by stopping in a village, the villagers would give him the nourishment that he needed (May). Ubuntu reminds me of the saying “It takes a village to raise a child” in the sense that if a child is to grow and mature they will need the help of family and friends, teachers and principals, doctors and many other members of their community. The child will be because of the help of these people, Ubuntu.

The Smile Foundation is one of many South African charities that are based on the concept of Ubuntu. Started in 2000 as the Smile Fund, it came about when a parent wrote many letters to Nelson Mandela asking for his help to send their child overseas for Facial Reanimation surgery to correct the child’s facial paralysis (“How Smile Foundation Began” 2014). The Lubner family became involved and saw a potential for growth in the South African medical community. They brought the doctors who were performing these surgeries to South Africa to train South African doctors so that other children could benefit from the cosmetic procedure (“How Smile Foundation Began” 2014). The non-profit organization was renamed in 2013 as the Smile Foundation. Working with many South African doctors and nurses, the Smile Foundation literally puts smiles on the faces of children (“How Smile Foundation Began” 2014). They are allowing these children the gift to enjoy their childhood without being teased and tormented for their physical appearance. Because of this, I believe the Smile Foundation embodies the idea of Ubuntu. In a world that puts so much emphasis on physical beauty, these children would probably not be able to blossom to their full potential if not for the work of this foundation. They are saving the children from a lifetime of being teased and bullied, therefore helping them build their self-esteem and one day growing up to be successful adults.
Ubuntu has helped to make South Africa a better place. This concept of philanthropy was the basis to the Smile Foundation and who knows how many other South African charities. All nations should adopt the concept of Ubuntu: “I am; because of you.” People would be more inclined to give if they saw their donation as a thank you for all the work the community has done for them.

Works Cited
How smile foundation began. (2014). The Smile Foundation. Retrieved September 22, 2014, from http://www.smilefoundationsa.org/about-us/how-smile-foundation-began/
May, K.T. (2013, December 9). I am, because of you: Further reading on Ubuntu. Tedblog. Retrieved September 22, 2014 from http://blog.ted.com/2013/12/09/further-reading-on-ubuntu/

Pindapata or Alms giving is a practice in which Buddhist monks walk through their village every morning to collect donations of food from the general population for their daily meals. The tradition began with the ritual that the monks are to simplify their lives by not preparing or cooking their own meals and to rely on the generosity of the lay people. The alms round was, for the Buddha, a key feature of the monastic life and the alms bowl is, for all Buddhists, a symbol of the monastic order. The Pali word for alms round is pindapata, which colorfully means “dropping a lump,” describing the process whereby food accumulates in the alms bowl (Dinsmore, Through the Looking Glass (n.d).) A monk does not openly ask for food donations. They quietly walk the streets awaiting a potential donor to come to them which allows the donor to give freely and only what they can afford to provide.
A traditional Buddhist Pindapata is described by the following criteria, “Go on alms-rounds between 6:45am to around 11am. Consume food before 12pm. Accept only food, and not money. Stand still outside hawker centre. Wait for food donor to approach. Alms bowl covered with a lid which is opened when donor wishes to offer food. Do not carry/sell pendants/amulets” (Pindapata Alms Giving (n.d.). Unfortunately the practice of receiving free food has caught on as some people disguise themselves as monks and go out for Pindapata. The above criteria allows for people providing goods to know if the person seeking food is truly a monk.

The giving tradition of Pindapata allows the Buddhist Monks to sustain themselves but also teaches the lay people to learn to give and let go. “Naturally the alms round gives the monk a connection to the lives of the laity, so that their practice is not in a monastic bubble. But I don’t get the sense that most people think of themselves as poor or deprived; they live with a sense of dignity. And every act of generosity toward monks reminds them that they have wealth to share”(Dinsmore, Through the Looking Glass, (n.d.).)

In return for the generosity of the lay people that donate their food to the monks, the monk’s bless them and provide spiritual guidance. “Buddhist monks sustain their lives on the support of benevolent devotees for their four requisites of robes, food, shelter and medicine while providing spiritual guidance and advice to lay supporters in return (Weidu, Practising Alms Food-Collecting (Pindapata) Views of monks and a laywer, (n.d.). Traditionally a monk has not been able to accept payment from the laypeople therefore by proving food during Pindapata allows the lay person to give back to the monk for what they have done for the community.

Through the example of Pindapata giving is an essential practice in Buddhism. “The Buddha taught that when we give to others, we give without expectation of reward. We should give without attaching to either the gift or the recipient. Some teachers propose that giving is good because it accrues merit and creates karma that will bring future happiness” (O’Brien, (n.d.) Perfection of Giving). Therefore Pindapata not only assures the Monks have the means to sustain their simplistic livelihood they provide the laypeople with a sense of pride in that they are able to thank the monks by providing what they can to keep them healthy and able to live the life they choose.

Works Cited

Dinsmore, Bhikkhu Cintita, (n.d.). Through the Looking Glass. Retrieved by http://bhikkhucintita.wordpress.com/home/monastic-life/feeding-the-monks/

Pindapata Alms-Giving, (n.d.). Retrieved by http://www.dhammasara.webs.com/Pindapata.html
Weidu, (n.d.) Practising Alms Food-Collecting (Pindapata) Views of monks and a laywer. Retrieved by http://www.4ui.com/eart/221eart3.htm

O’Brien, Barbara (n.d.) Perfection of Giving. Retrieved by

http://buddhism.about.com/od/basicbuddhistteachings/a/giving.htm

The Potlatch idea came from the sharing of one’s wealth with others. Whoever led the potlatch was to “give away most, if not all, of their wealth and material goods in order to show goodwill to the rest of the tribal members and maintain their social status” (Kwakiutl Indian Band). During a Potlatch the family of the person hosting it would assist them in gathering food to feed everyone, gifts were brought together and items were carved with crests (Kwakiutl Indian Band). They had to ensure that enough gifts were brought for all the guests they had invited, which meant taking out loans in order to have enough (Kwakiutl Indian Band).

​The Potlatch was banned in Canada in 1884 because it was thought that this was stopping the Native’s from being turned into productive members of society (Saunders, 1995). The Potlatch was seen as a waste of time and money because it meant giving away everything the person worked hard for (Saunders, 1995), rather than as a sharing of their wealth. Canadian Aboriginals used the Potlatch as a way to share their wealth which is the definition of generosity. They have shown they are able to give without being forced to give. However, this was not seen as a suitable way to live by the European’s in Canada and therefore, Aboriginals were denied their right to practice their own culture.

​A part of the potlatch was that it was centered on special occasions. These were normally at births, death, celebrating a wedding, initiations into secret societies; such as the becoming of a medicine man, when someone became the chief of the tribe to show their power or after a public embarrassment (Book Rags). The Potlatch was a celebration for the person at the top of the family to celebrate these important times in their lives.

​Potlatches, although very giving, can also be seen from another perspective. Potlatches are a way of asserting social power over someone else. In a sense, potlatches are a way of showing that a person is better than someone else. They traditionally handed out gifts or burned property to show that they could afford it (Fitzgerald, 1975). This can be looked at from two perspectives. First that they are trying to push their wealth and property on others to show they have wealth to give away. Or it can also be looked at from the perspective of property being just property that can easily be given away and replaced. It is not a necessity, rather something that can be bought and given away.

​Today, a potlatch can be related to the idea of a potluck where everyone brings something to share. Although gifts are not normally handed out, it is the sharing of food that brings people together. Of course, everyone wants to have “better” or more extravagant food than the other, which just goes to show that everyone still wants to be better than someone else; it is just the way in which it is shown that has changed.

Works Cited

Kwakiutl Indian Band. Potlatch. Retrieved Feb. 2, 2011, from http://www.kwakiutl.bc.ca/culture/potlatch.htm

Book Rags. Potlatch. Retrieved Feb 2, 2011, from http://www.bookrags.com/tandf/potlatch-1-tf/

Saunders, B. (1995). Kwakwaka’ wakw museology. Cultural Dynamics. 7 (1), p. 37-68.

Fitzgerald, B.D. (1975). Self interest or altruism. Journal of Conflict Resolution. 19 (3), p. 462-480.

Today South Africa (SA) is considered “the second-most charitable country, behind the United States.” In the post-Apartheid era wealthy South Africans have become both “Benefactor” and “Volunteer” donors – giving time and money to charities.

The reasons philanthropists in SA give, are varied. However, a belief in the African philosophy of ‘ubuntu’ is said to underlay the need to give. A strong sense of community pervades the philosophy of ubuntu and culture of giving in SA. However, the divide between the rich and poor is also a driving force behind philanthropy in the country.

The drivers of philanthropy in SA are complex, “(t)hey go from plain guilt to wanting to uplift the economy, and knowing that the only way to get people working, participating and out of poverty, is to care for your fellow human being.”

The philosophy of ubuntu is not new to the African continent. The idea that “I am because you are and you are because I am” has existed as a collective conscience long before the Colonialists arrived with their divide and conquer ideologies. The very definition of ubuntu exudes a sense of charity and well-being which, over the years, has fostered various forms of philanthropy and giving at all levels of society.

Ubuntu is known by various names in different African countries: in Botswana it is ‘botho’; in Zimbabwe, ‘unhu’; in Malawi, ‘uMunthu’, to name only a few. Regardless of its name, most African nations abide by the spirit which ubuntu embodies and that is of humanness and humanity.

Viewing the concept of ubuntu through a philanthropic lens the picture is one of a culture that promotes communalism and interdependence. It is in SA where the philosophy of ubuntu took on its greatest challenge – Apartheid. However, it was also this ‘challenge’ which helped to resurrect the culture of ubuntu by recognizing that reconciliation was a key facet of the philosophy.

It was in 1995 that SA decided to deal with its colonial past by setting up the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The idea of the TRC was to allow victims of gross human rights abuses under the Apartheid regime to tell their stories while facing their accused. Consequently, the perpetrators of the violence were offered amnesty for their crimes in return for full disclosure of the atrocities they committed. The world watched with incredulity as the public hearings unfolded: How could anyone forgive such inhumanity?

Archbishop Desmond Tutu credits the culture of ubuntu with the grace South Africans needed to forgive their abusers. The TRC was touted as a way for SA to heal old wounds and move towards its future. It is this resilience that prompted “SA and most other African countries (to) publicly (declare) the 21st century as the century for renewal and advancement of the African continent so that African countries become active and competitive players on the global stage.”

Through all of its trials, SA has definitely become “a competitive player” on the philanthropic global stage. However, there are concerns in SA that ubuntu will be commercialized, consumed and pervaded by companies and organizations looking to capitalize on its philosophy. Being conscious of this could go a long way when looking to secure donations from philanthropists in the country.

The Japanese people, historically influenced by ethical and religious beliefs of Buddhism, have responded as a collective community and remained altruistic in spite of recent devastations in their country. These characteristics have been personified by a group of elderly citizens who have volunteered to risk their lives in place of young workers for cleanup efforts at the heavily damaged Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant.

On March 11, 2011, a 9.0 magnitude earthquake struck approximately 130 km off the eastern coast of Japan, resulting in a devastating tsunami and widespread destruction of property and infrastructure. As of July, statistics by Earthquake-Report.com indicated a death toll of 15,588 with 5,133 still missing and hundreds of thousands left homeless. Dubbed as the worst natural disaster in the country’s history, the earthquake and tsunami left dangerous ripple effects on local nuclear power facilities, triggering explosions, fires and partial meltdowns, all of which have leaked dangerous levels of radiation.

In response to efforts to bring the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant under control, the Skilled Veterans Corp, a civic group formed mostly of former professionals all over the age of 60, lobbied the Japanese government to allow them to take the place of the younger workers. Yasuteru Yamada, the 72 year-old retired engineer who founded the group, recruited approximately 500 volunteers through word-of-mouth and his embracement of technology, e.g. e-mail and Twitter, to take on the task of risking radiation exposure. Kazuko Sasaki, also 72 years-old, explained her participation in the Skilled Veterans Corp as a moral obligation to the country’s future, “My generation built these nuclear plants, so we have to take responsibility for them. We cannot dump this on the next generation.”

But why would people risk exposure to high levels of radiation to help people they do not personally know? Religion has had a major influence on Japanese culture; particularly, Buddhism is a strong basis for philanthropic activities in the country. By volunteering one’s time and/or money, an individual would be acting in line with dhamma, “principles of behaviours that human beings ought to follow so as to fit in with the right natural order of things”.Charity is perhaps the greatest of virtues given that it “[displays] a person’s compassion, love, generosity and community mindedness”. Despite such benevolent acts, individuals are expected to do so for the sake of giving and not for any form of compensation (dāna).

Further, to some individuals and societies, the act of sacrificing one’s life for the greater good of the community, compounded by the fact that financial or material rewards are not expected in return, most definitely falls outside of commonly accepted principles of codified generosity in what is considered “appropriate” to give. Time, money or gifts are understood as typical acts of volunteerism. Generosity in and of itself, of course, is not exclusive to the Japanese people; there are many historic and present examples of volunteerism and philanthropy all over the world, as well as those influenced by a variety of religions. As discussed during week 1, there is evidence that supports theories that “the act of giving without coercion” has been found to be a fundamental trait in human species, which is detailed in books such as Peter Singer’s “The Life You Can Save”.

Some western media organizations have gone as far as to dub the Skilled Veterans Corp as the “suicide corps”. However, the volunteers do not view it in such a manner; instead, they consider their actions, perhaps the ultimate sacrifice, as the right thing to do in order to allow the next generation an opportunity to live their lives, just as the elderly have already lived theirs. As contested by one brave volunteer, “We have to work but never die.”

Works Cited

Earthquake Report. (2011). Japan Tohoku tsunami and earthquake: The death toll is climbing again!. Retrieved from http://earthquake-report.com/2011/08/04/japan-tsunami-following-up-the-aftermath-part-16-june/.

Craft, L. (2011, July 4). Elderly Japanese volunteer for nuke cleanup. CBS News. Retrieved from http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2011/07/04/earlyshow/main20076634.shtml.

Access to Insight. (2011). A Glossary of Pali and Buddhist Terms. Retrieved from http://www.accesstoinsight.org/glossary.html.

Japanese seniors volunteer for Fukushima ‘suicide corps’. CNN. Retrieved from http://articles.cnn.com/2011-05-31/world/japan.nuclear.suicide_1_nuclear-plant-seniors-group-nuclear-crisis?_s=PM:WORLD.

Japan pensioners volunteer to tackle nuclear crisis. BBC News. Retrieved from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-13598607.

A hospital is a building that houses sick and diseased individuals so that they can be treated and, ideally, cured by specialized medical staff. Absolutely central to the sophisticated medical care offered by modern societies, hospitals in fact evolved at a specific time and place – during the 4th century in Constantinople, as a form of philanthropic outreach by the newly Christianized Eastern Roman Empire. The Roman Empire split in half in the 4th century, spurred on by Constantine’s decision to establish Byzantium as his capital city, subsequently renamed Constantinople.

The collapse of the Western Empire, with the sack of Rome in 410 by the Goths, ushered in the Dark Ages for Europe. By contrast, the Eastern Roman Empire flourished until the city’s fall in 1453 CE to the Ottomans – another thousand years.
​
Constantine, who ruled from 306 to 337 CE, had converted to Christianity. With the division of the empire into two halves in 395 CE, the Eastern Roman Empire (or Byzantine Empire) became both Christian and Greek speaking. As Timothy Miller writes, “the ancient Hellenic heritage, the city environment, the Christian church, the monastic movement, the imperial bureaucracy, and the medical profession all participated in shaping and sustaining perhaps the most fascinating institution of the Byzantine Empire – its hospitals” (Timothy Miller, The Birth of the Hospital in the Byzantine Empire, 1997, p. 11).

The best description of an early hospital comes from the “typikon” for the Pantokrator monastery in Constantinople (of 1136 CE), a document that lays out the rules for establishing the “xenon” or hospital. Part of a larger complex, it featured 50 beds, divided into sections according to the type of illness and gender of patient, a large and hierarchical medical staff, independent managers and serving priests.

While classical Greece had generated a significant body of medical knowledge and a professional class of doctors, both imported into the Western Roman Empire, the concept of a hospital – a building that housed patients of all social strata to be tended by medical professionals with the aim of curing them – did not evolve until the 4th century in Constantinople. Patients either went to the doctor, or the doctor visited the patient. Alms houses also existed for the poor and for travellers, but not specifically for treating the sick. There were also earlier Roman examples of facilities that treated soldiers and slaves, but the xenons of Constantinople were revolutionary. Evidence suggests that the description of the Pantokrator xenon above closely resembles the facilities that were invented in the 4th century and would be recognized today as hospitals.

The conversation of Constantine to Christianity meant that he was both emperor and head of the church, “retaining significant religio-political functions” (Miroslav Ruzica, “Orthodox Christinity, the Nation-State, and Philanthropy: Focus on the Serbian Orthodox Church” in Philanthropy and Social Change). Ruzica argues that the Orthodox Christian Church was therefore “reduced to its spiritual functions” (Ruzica, p. 238), with a form of belief and worship that focused on the spiritual and the eternal, rather than the particular and the present – a focus on the mystical as a part of the process of theosis, of becoming Christ-like. But since Christ’s teachings were emphatic on the need to help the oppressed, the sick and the poor, it was the duty of the church, of the bishops, indeed of the emperor, to help these groups directly. Miller argues that the Christian concept of agape inspired the early church bishops to care for the sick as a form of religious duty, “as expressions of Christian charity” (Miller, p. 61). This care was also necessary for their spiritual well being, as part of their process of theosis. In addition, the emperor had extended tax immunities to the church, allowing the church to amass considerable wealth, which in turn was used to fund hospitals and other philanthropic projects, such as old age home and orphanages.

The church-led effort to help the sick was married to the robust tradition of pagan Greek medicine to create hospitals. In Byzantine culture, both priesthood and medicine were respectable professions, and often there was considerable overlap, in that priests studied and even practiced medicine. The early church rejected the idea that healing should be spiritual only, rather seeing in the practice of medicine the direct application of philanthropia or love in action. Early Greek church writings used the metaphor of Christ as a physician or healer, a metaphor also applied more broadly to the bishops.

However, some writers have pointed out that the number of beds, and therefore the number of patients helped, must have been very small relative to the total population. Ruzica argues that Orthodox Christian philanthropy was almost symbolic, rather than practical. The emperor, for instance, required the sick being treated in the Pantokrator hospital to pray for him, as a way of building up his spiritual “capital”. Regardless, the unique confluence of Christian philanthropy, imperial largesse, Greek medical knowledge and being situated in the capital of an empire all contributed to the development of the hospital, an institution for the public good that is now universal in advanced societies.

Tzedakah, a Hebrew term, translates to the English word charity. However, while charity can be defined as, “generosity and helpfulness especially toward the needy or suffering” or, “aid given to those in need” many people have argued that there is a large difference between tzedakah and charity. Tzedakah is a fundamental value of the Jewish culture and is a way of life followed by many Jewish people. This paper will explore the roots and history of the term tzedakah and how it plays a role in North American giving.

“The word “tzedakah” is derived from the Hebrew root Tzadei-Dalet-Qof, meaning righteousness, justice or fairness.” Simply from looking at the meanings of the two terms, charity and tzedakah, we can see that there are differences. As previously mentioned the word charity describes generosity for the needy, while Judaism sees generosity for the poor as a duty or an act of justice.

Tzedakah is so ingrained in Jewish tradition, that there are specific guidelines which when applied to one’s life help align oneself with these values. First it is encouraged that one gives ten percent, at least, of their income on an annual basis. In addition, the suggestion is made that ten percent of the value of all assets is given as a one-time donation. Although several resources make special note that Judaism does not ask people to give only to Jewish charities , some suggest that priority should be given to Jewish people in your area and torah scholars and institutions . Additional guidelines are quite specific and include setting a fiscal year for your tzedakah to ensure complete accuracy, and establishing a separate fund for your tzedakah to avoid any confusion with your personal finances. A final guideline suggests you give tzedakah cheerfully. Judaism supports that one should view, “tzedakah as an opportunity, not a burden,” and should attempt to, “sympathize with recipients and try to lift their spirits.”

It is both fascinating and important to note that this tradition of tzedakah has followed Jewish immigrants to the western world and is still a very important part of many of their lives. Organizations such as tzedakah, Inc., an American organization with the primary focus to advise Jewish people on tzedakah and how to effectively incorporate it into their lives in America, are a great resource for people who follow Judaism in America and would like to ensure that these values continue to resonate in their lives. These resources can also provide important information for those hoping to understand the philanthropic culture of those who follow Judaism. As development professionals in North America we must acknowledge the religious beliefs and traditions of the people we come across. By understanding our constituents’ culture and values, we will be better able to fulfill our roles.

Works Cited

Tzedakah: Charity. (2007). In Judaism 101. Retrieved January 27, 2019, from http://www.jewfaq.org/tzedakah.htm

Charity. (2010). In Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary. Retrieved January 29, 2010, from http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/charity

Tzedakah in Jewish Tradition. (2009). In Tzedakah.Info: Information for Effective Tzedakah. Retrieved January 27, 2010, from http://www.just-tzedakah.org/guidelinesIntroduction.asp